The
Paraguayan Army and police are not the only agents of
repression that rural workers must confront. In 2004, the
Ministry of the Interior of Paraguay created Citizen Security
Councils, security forces composed of civilians financed and
armed officially by the government with the justification of
aiding in the fight against criminality. However,
extra-officially, they are supplied by large ranching
interests. In practice, these councils function as
paramilitary groups acting in defense of cattle-ranching and
soy-producing interests. These new security forces are the
chief authors of evictions, the burning of homes, and even
incidents of rape and assassination of members of peasant
organizations. It is estimated that in the entire country
there are approximately 22 thousand men in the Citizen
Security Councils. The Paraguayan Army, for example, has about
12 thousand members.
With
the help of the United States, the Paraguayan government
represses social movements
Igor
Ojeda1
In
recent years Paraguayan society has been suffering from a
process of growing militarization. And those that suffer the
most are organized social movements and their leaders,
principally those acting in the countryside. Between July 16th
and 20th, 2006, representatives of various human
rights organizations from Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia,
Ecuador, France, Mexico, and Uruguay were in Paraguay as
members of an International Observation Visit, convened by the
Campaign for Demilitarization of the Americas (CADA), a
hemisphere-wide network of organizations against
militarization of the continent. The mission, organized by the
Paraguayan Peace and Justice Service (SERPAJ-PY), whose
purpose was to verify accusations of human rights violations,
the stepping-up of militarization in the country, and
investigating the possible relationship between these actions
and the signature of a military agreement between Paraguay and
the United States, enacted into Law 2,594 in May of 2005. In a
preliminary report composed by the mission (the definitive
report is still to be published), its members presented their
conclusions: “in interviews, the various social
organizations repeatedly expressed themselves as alarmed by
the increase in military, police, and paramilitary activities
of various types in the rural zones, with the result of a
cumulative total of two thousand peasants prosecuted to date,
according to the words of Congressional President Enrique
Gonzalez Quintana, in addition to evictions, house burnings,
rape, torture, and assassinations.”
Strong
repression in the countryside
The
repression against social movements, combined with social
inequality and poverty, began to get even tighter after the
election of president Nicanor Duarte Frutos, of the Colorado
Party, which has been in control of the country for six
decades. Barely 12 days after taking office, in August 2003,
Frutos issued Decree 167, which authorized the Paraguayan
Armed Forces to act jointly with the National Police in
internal security actions. In some parts of the capital,
principally in poor neighborhoods, a large military and police
presence is seen, with the military being heavily armed.
However,
it is in the countryside that militarization and repression of
social organizations are most noticeable, especially in areas
where there are conflicts over land between small farmers and
large landowners. The various peasant leaders interviewed by
the international delegation that visited Paraguay were
unanimous in denouncing the cruelty exhibited by these joint
forces against rural communities. There are reports of 49
assassinations in the countryside in the last two years, as
well as the disappearance of several individuals.
But
the Paraguayan Army and police are not the only agents of
repression that rural workers must confront. In 2004, the
Ministry of the Interior of Paraguay created Citizen Security
Councils, security forces composed of civilians financed and
armed officially by the government with the justification of
aiding in the fight against criminality. However,
extra-officially, they are supplied by large ranching
interests. In practice, these councils function as
paramilitary groups acting in defense of cattle-ranching and
soy producing interests. These new security forces are the
chief authors of evictions, the burning of homes, and even
incidents of rape and assassination of members of peasant
organizations. It is estimated that in the entire country
there are approximately 22 thousand men in the Citizen
Security Councils. The Paraguayan Army, for example, has about
12 thousand members.
Although
lesser in intensity, repression of urban communities is also
serious. Both the joint (military and police) forces and the
civil security corps, called Citizen Security Commissions in
the city, carried out actions especially against organized
movements of bañados, areas of the Paraguayan capital
where shanties are built on the banks of the Paraguay River.
Paraguay-Unites
States Military Agreement
Peasant
leaders interviewed by the international mission associated
the increase in repression practiced by the Paraguayan Army (qualified
as “State terrorism”) with the military agreement signed
between the Unites States and Paraguay, enacted by Law 2594 in
May of 2005.
The
agreement, which will be in force between July 2005 and
December 2006, is extremely generous to US interests. It
provides, among other things, for the carrying out of military
exercises in any part of Paraguayan territory, with no
obligation to inform Paraguayan authorities of the locale;
customs exemptions for equipment or material brought by US
troops; qualification and training of Paraguayan Armed Forces
conducted by the US Army; and, the most serious point of all,
judicial immunity for US soldiers. In other words, even if
they commit crimes on Paraguayan soil, they cannot be tried in
the country or charged in international courts.
The
justification for the agreement is training in combating
terrorism and guerrilla warfare that would be present in
Paraguay. But, in the opinion of those interviewed by the
mission, the real objective is the breakdown and annihilation
of social movements, principally those in the countryside (the
most active), making space for soy monoculture. It is most
likely that, in December, the agreement will be renewed. The
nation’s Vice President, Luis Alberto Castiglioni, has not
only openly defended its renewal, but also proposed its
broadening.
“Humanitarian
aid” furnished by US troops
One
of the exercises provided for in the agreement is that called
MEDRETE (acronym for Medical Readiness Training Exercise, as
freely translated from the English[sic]), that is,
“humanitarian aid” in the area of health promoted by the
US army in rural communities.
Groups
of military personnel call together local residents for
medical attention, including in the areas of ophthalmology and
dentistry. However, medical exams are not performed, and there
is some suspicion that the same medicine is distributed for
various types of disease. There are even reports of
miscarriages and deaths suffered by women after ingesting
these pills.
However,
US soldiers are not limited only to performing medical
assistance. They also fill out questionnaires with the
“benefited” population, which ask, among other things, if
the person belongs to any peasant movement. Aside from this,
other soldiers photograph and film the environment surrounding
the community: truly a reconnaissance of the territory.
It
all fits together
On
making an analysis based on the statements of Paraguayan
social movements, the obvious conclusion in that the Nicanor
Duarte Frutos government’s objective is repression and
expulsion of the peasants from their lands, in order to make
way for large corporations, principally soy producers. Today,
77% of Paraguayan lands are in the hands of 1% of the
population. It is estimated that there are 200 thousand to 300
thousand landless families in the country. The migratory flux
generated by the crisis in the countryside contributed
decisively to the formation of poverty belts around the cities.
Certainly
not by chance, military and paramilitary actions, as well as
US troop exercises, are concentrated in the areas of
Paraguayan territory where the peasants are more organized and
where there are a greater number of agrarian conflicts, such
as in the Department of Concepción, in the north of the
country. It should likewise be remembered that Colorado Party
politicians, in power now for decades, are either tied to the
area’s large agricultural companies, or are themselves such
landholders.
For
his own part, Frutos benefits from the foreign exchange
generated by soy exportation and which is sustained by the
agro-export model in place in Paraguay. Aside from this, the
Paraguayan government receives the assistance of the US Army
in repressing movements, and uses the possible extension of
the military agreement to obtain commercial advantages in
bilateral negotiations between the two countries, thus gaining
strength with Mercosul. The United States, for its part, has
guaranteed the use of Paraguay as an informal military base in
the center of South America. The strategic proximity to the
Triple Border region is especially important because it has
one of the largest reserves of fresh water in the world, the
Guarani Aquifer.
1
Igor Ojeda,
PUC-SP journalism graduate, is a Brasil de Fato
reporter and accompanied the International Observation Visit
to Paraguay between July 16th and 20th.
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